The split of the Chinese Communist Party has become the main dream of the United States
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On the eve of the 20th Congress of the CCP scheduled for mid-October, the “cold war” against China is activated simultaneously in several directions. But the direction of the main blow on the eve of this event and for several months after it is clear: the mass media and think tanks of the West will storm the ideological and organizational unity of the country, its leadership.
Some of our experts who are looking for contradictions between different generations of leaders, digging up the roots of contradictions in their Komsomol and almost pioneer past, contribute their three kopecks to this piggy bank. The main address of these studies is clear – the Kremlin, the security forces. It is as if they are being sent a signal: how can one build long-term strategic partnerships with the unstable leadership of the Celestial Empire?
The idea of splitting the Chinese elites is especially popular among American sinologists working for the Biden administration, the State Department, the CIA and other decision-making centers. The logic is simple: the Chinese pyramid of power is still similar to the Soviet one. This means that we can try to repeat the mortal blows against the CPSU, which boasted of monolithic cohesion and which suddenly crumbled as a result of the actions of the internal opposition and agents of influence of the West.
In Beijing, despite all the efforts of party theorists and propagandists, they understand the genetic affinity of the CPSU and the CPC, the innate similarity of their strengths and weaknesses. “Big Brother” shared not only the ability to mobilize all the forces of the nation into a fist at the right time, win the deadly war and quickly restore what was destroyed. Another tradition is “leadership”, the concentration of all the power of the party and the state in the hands of the leader. Originating in the time of Lenin and developed by Stalin, this tradition was inherited by Mao Zedong. It makes the party and the nation dependent on the intellect, moral and volitional qualities of one person who is at the top of the power pyramid.
Among the reasons for the collapse of the CPSU and the USSR, the low intellectual level of some of Stalin’s heirs, the physical decrepitude and weak will of others stand out. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the last years of its existence lost its Leninist and Stalinist party traditions and fell into epilepsy. As a former employee of the Ideological Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, I recall with horror the lethargy and indecision of the top of the party during the sunset, the flourishing of alternative centers of ideology, the nationalism and separatism of regional authorities, the corruption of top leaders and their connection with foreign figures. The negative experience of Gorbachev and his motley entourage is carefully studied in the research centers of the CPC, and is still being discussed at party meetings. Adored in the West, Gorby is a “negative self-accusing teacher” for the Chinese.
Of course, the CPSU and the CCP cannot be called “Siamese twins” in any way, but the similarity of some pages and even chapters of their history is obvious. In the late 1980s, systemic crises erupted almost simultaneously in Beijing and Moscow. Stagnation in the economy, rising prices, discontent among the population stimulated ideological vacillation. In Beijing, some leaders, including General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee Zhao Ziyang, saw the way out in borrowing the course of perestroika. In turn, there were advisers in Moscow surrounded by MS Gorbachev who recommended adopting the model of reforms and openness of Deng Xiaoping, shifting the center of gravity from ideology to economics. The Chinese crisis went into an open phase right before Gorbachev’s eyes in May-June 1989 and led to the events on Tiananmen Square. Hoping not to see similar events in Red Square, he rejected advice to change the direction of the reforms. The Soviet crisis came in 1991. The result was the collapse of the Soviet Union. The probability of the same sad outcome was in China.
The Communist Party, and with it the entire Celestial Empire, was saved not by some superiority of the CPC in theory or practice over the Soviet comrades – the catastrophe was prevented by the strong-willed qualities of a leader named Deng Xiaoping, who continued to look after his young nominees “behind the screen” and remembered that “a rifle gives birth to power”. After a paralysis of will in the CCP leadership for about three weeks, he used his official authority as the head of the Military Council of the CPC Central Committee and his real status as leader to order the cleanup of the country’s main square. I know for certain that Gorbachev was also offered forceful methods of solving problems at the final stage of disintegration, but he did not have the will and determination. Deng Xiaoping was the leader. Gorbachev was not a leader.
The leadership qualities of the leader were again in demand two decades after overcoming the Tiananmen crisis. China’s reform and opening up strategy has been the source of many economic and technological miracles that have surprised the world. But the situation in China and around it gradually began to change. It was necessary to correct, supplement or even change the strategy.
It was then that China was very lucky. The right person was at the right time and in the right place. It is now obvious that Xi Jinping has shown himself from different angles as a figure of historical proportions, as a leader. He began to reorient the economy from serving overseas markets to the needs of his own consumers. He presented himself as a resolute and effective ruler, deploying the fight against corruption and tightening discipline in the ruling party. In recent years, the CPC has essentially established a one-man command. A communist and a nationalist in equal parts, Xi Jinping found a way to fill the spiritual vacuum in society with more than just the ideas of Marx, Lenin, and Mao Zedong. The long-term program “Chinese Dream of the Great Revival of the Chinese Nation” gave the Party and the country a second wind.
Having led the CPC at the end of 2012, Xi Jinping already then, immediately after the 18th Congress of the CPC, outlined its strategic goals. “I firmly believe that by the 100th anniversary of the founding of the CCP (2021), the task of creating a moderately prosperous society will inevitably be accomplished. By the time of the centenary of the establishment of the PRC (2049), the task of creating a rich and powerful, democratic and civilized, harmonious and modern socialist state will undoubtedly be completed.
Now, on the eve of the next congress, almost ten years later, only a blind man does not see the effectiveness of the Chinese Dream strategy, which is being implemented right on schedule. Only a naive politician can hope for a split in the leadership of the Communist Party and doubt the preservation of the mandate of power in the hands of Xi Jinping at the 20th Congress. Despite all the efforts of Washington and its willing or unwilling assistants, the Communist Party will remain a powerful and effective instrument for realizing the aspirations of the Chinese nation.
Newspaper headline:
About the benefits of leadership
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