The Communist Party of the Russian Federation plans to multiply its ranks and push the party elevators

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation held its next all-Russian party meeting last weekend, at which audit and increase in party ranks were named as key tasks for the near future. On the electoral field, the Communists intend to use the inertia of the recent presidential campaign, promote the program developed for it and more actively train party observers.

Opening the party meeting, Chairman of the Communist Party Central Committee Gennady Zyuganov traditionally summarized the methods developed by the best party minds for solving the most pressing problems: poverty, extinction, corruption and lack of personal security. Success, it followed from his words, is based on seven “principled positions,” both radical and not so radical.

Among the latter are encouraging large families, regulating migration, supporting science and education; among the more offensive ones are “curbing the oligarchy and bankers”, changing the liberal market economic and managerial course and, finally, defeating the “Anglo-Saxons and the fifth column”. “I admit, I am less afraid of the Anglo-Saxons: they did not win in open battle and will not win in Ukraine,” said Mr. Zyuganov. “But the fifth column betrayed the country in 1991, and today these remnants of the Yeltsin era (and today they are “silent”) they secretly continue to spoil the country.”

In this context, the governor of the Rostov region Vasily Golubev (for the monument to Ataman Krasnov in the village of Elanskaya), defenders of the Yeltsin Center, as well as unnamed forces seeking to “board up” the Lenin Mausoleum on Red Square came under attack by the communist leader. Gennady Zyuganov promised to immediately send the Central Committee’s appeal regarding the tomb of the leader of the world revolution to the president again. “But I don’t want to listen to the answer from Peskov (presidential press secretary Dmitry Peskov.— “Kommersant”),” the communist immediately warned.

Having finished with ideology, party leaders outlined political prospects. First Deputy Chairman of the Central Committee Yuri Afonin warmly thanked all party structures for their hard work during the presidential elections, but made a reservation that the “big election cycle” (2024–2026) has just begun. The party will finally decide on personnel for the autumn elections (including by-elections to the State Duma in Khakassia) by April, he promised: “We agreed that the proposals that party organizations have for by-elections to the State Duma will not only be discussed within the party, but will be submitted (for consideration.— “Kommersant”) among the residents of the republic.” In addition to this, the communists will “assign neighbors to each elected region,” the politician noted: for example, the Altai Territory can help the Altai Republic with the campaign.

“As a result of the elections, we need to go through a new stage of strengthening the party, strengthening the work,” Mr. Afonin continued, calling on local branches to promote the program developed for the presidential elections (outlining the “advantages of socialism” to the population and elites) and party bills, as well as work more closely with labor teams. The first deputy chairman of the Central Committee outlined “strengthening the ranks of the party” as a key priority: “This was emphasized at the Presidium of the Central Committee – it is necessary to strengthen the “primary” organizations, this is our priority task.”

This topic was detailed by the Deputy Chairman of the Central Committee, Dmitry Novikov: “It is important for us to strengthen the primary and local links, and such work begins with the growth of the ranks.” It is interesting that the idea of ​​“doubling the ranks,” according to Mr. Novikov, was “perceived as debatable” in some places. “Some, while talking about the debatability of the problem, are ready to avoid solving it,” the politician complained. “But the decision has already been made, so whether you like it or not, and you can only discuss ways to implement it.” Each party committee has someone responsible for carrying out this task, Mr. Novikov sternly reminded, and “it’s time for them to pay attention to the fulfillment of this part of their duties.” He also confirmed that the Communists remain opposed to online voting. And Yuri Afonin announced his intention to further develop party control over voting: for the 2026 State Duma elections, within the framework of the “Comrade Observer” program, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is going to train 150 thousand observers.

Along with building up their ranks, party leaders intend to give impetus to internal career elevators. The greatest prospects for growth, according to members of the Central Committee, were earned by the participants in the recent presidential debates (the Communist Party of the Russian Federation evaluates their participation in this format of campaigning very positively): Sverdlovsk resident Denis Kurochkin, Krasnoyarsk resident Roman Palivoda, Muscovite Vladimir Obukhovsky, Lipetsk residents Polina Venediktova and Sergei Gridnev and, of course, Saratov resident Nikolai Bondarenko, whom Gennady Zyuganov especially thanked. “They let him through to Channel One for the first time; they were afraid that they would be filmed after this debate!” — the communist leader recalled with a smile. And he asked “to prepare all those who spoke in the debates separately (for the elections in September.— “Kommersant”)”.

The number of party members in most democratic countries of the world does not matter, since it does not directly correlate with the number of votes cast for the party in the elections, political scientist Alexander Kynev points out: “In principle, it is not very clear why the Communist Party of the Russian Federation needs this number. I see this as a vestige of the Soviet approach, where the strength of a party was measured by the number of its members.” Modern political science postulates that the strength of a party (in democratic states) is measured exclusively by its electoral results, the expert emphasizes. In addition, a “mechanical” increase in the ranks is usually achieved “by mobilizing” relatives and friends of current party members, while a “semantic solution” to the problem requires effort – agitation, education, explanation, etc., adds Mr. Kynev: “As practice shows, parties They follow the first path as the simplest… And how will you, being in the place of the party leadership, understand which path the local subordinates took?..”

Grigory Leiba