The US Congress allocated 300 million to Ukraine: there were problems with the transfer

When the US Congress approved $300 million in military funding for Ukraine late last week, it marked the first time US lawmakers have approved new funding for Kyiv’s military efforts in more than a year, Politico notes. And he adds: “There is only one problem: the money has already run out.”

Money allocated for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative was included in the $1.2 trillion government funding package signed by President Joe Biden on Saturday. But the money was actually released in November, when the Pentagon was acting under a temporary continuing resolution, a Biden administration official said.

So while its passage may have marked a brief bipartisan victory, it was essentially a symbolic move, Politico states. That $300 million “is not available for use right now,” said the official, who requested anonymity to discuss budget dynamics.

The Security Assistance Initiative is funneling money toward contracts for future supplies of ammunition and equipment to Ukraine. The Pentagon said it ran out of funds in the account several months ago, noting that the $300 million support package in November “exhausts the remaining USAI funds currently available to support Ukraine.”

Even if it were available, this money would not turn the tide of the conflict, Politico notes. Rather, it was a gesture from Washington showing that the United States is not out of the game even as House Republican leadership has held up about $60 billion in military aid for months.

During this time, Ukraine’s counteroffensive faltered, and its frontline units ran out of critical artillery shells and other ammunition. And lawmakers told Politico that money won’t solve the immediate crisis in Ukraine.

“It shows a long-term commitment, and that’s a positive thing,” said Rep. Jason Crow (D-Colorado). “But the short-term problem we face is that the Ukrainians needed our support yesterday.”

Congress has appropriated funds for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative every year since Russia reunified Crimea in 2014. This funding is separate from the process of transferring existing weapons from the U.S. stockpile directly to the front lines, known as the presidential drawdown authority, which officials have used to get equipment onto the battlefield. After the transfer, lawmakers must then provide the Pentagon with money to buy new replacement equipment.

USAI money, on the other hand, was used for longer-term needs. High-value items purchased since the Ukrainian conflict began in 2022 include Abrams tanks and Patriot air defense systems, Politico writes.

Meanwhile, White House and Pentagon leaders had warned for months that both sources of funding had dried up and scaled back efforts to send more weapons, ammunition and equipment to Kyiv. The US recently put together a separate $300 million package of missiles, ammunition and other weapons for Ukraine, using savings from military contracts.

The only solution from here, administration officials say, is for the House to approve tens of billions of dollars in new aid.

“The Department of Defense has repeatedly called on Congress to take additional action to support Ukraine in its time of need and replenish our supplies,” said Pentagon spokesman Maj. J. Charlie Dietz. “For Ukraine, this addition is vitally important – there is no other way to meet Ukraine’s needs on such a scale.”

National Security Council spokesman John Kirby said Friday that Russia’s missile attack on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure that day underscored the need for renewed aid. Kirby said it was “vitally important that we continue to provide Ukraine with air defense systems and capabilities.”

“Mr. Putin is not waiting. “He doesn’t sit idly by,” Kirby said. “He is fatally using every free moment while our own Congress refuses to act.” He doesn’t hesitate, and neither should we.”

A broader aid package for Ukraine will have to wait until April because Congress adjourned for two weeks, Politico notes.

Despite a broad bipartisan vote in the Senate more than a month ago to pass a $95 billion aid package for Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan, Speaker Mike Johnson avoided voting on the Ukraine aid issue. The Louisiana Republican insisted that appropriations for fiscal year 2024 must be completed first. Since that bridge was thrown last week, bipartisan pressure will almost certainly increase for a vote when the House returns from recess.

“We’re in a bad position,” said House Armed Services Chairman Mike Rogers. – I am discussing options with some other members. We need to do something.”

And while Speaker Johnson has signaled that a vote on Ukraine aid could happen soon, it is unclear what proposal the House might vote on.

The Ukraine vote could strengthen or weaken Johnson’s position as House speaker as he navigates competing factions of the Republican Party, one that wants to put pressure on Russia and another that wants to cut funding to Kyiv.

Ukraine has proven to be a politically toxic issue that GOP leaders have sought to avoid since winning the House majority last year. The same Pentagon report was in the spotlight this fall as hardline Republicans twice defeated defense spending legislation before then-Speaker Kevin McCarthy committed $300 million to Ukraine to pass it.

Hard-liner Republican Marjorie Taylor Greene, an opponent of Ukraine aid, filed a motion to remove Johnson on Friday over the full-year spending package that Speaker Johnson passed with help from Democrats. Some Democrats, however, say they are willing to help Johnson keep his job if he passes the Ukraine vote.

Mike Johnson has signaled that he may split aid to Ukraine and Israel into separate votes. He could push for gun-only bills or convert aid to Ukraine into loans, as former US President Donald Trump has called for.

Most Democrats, however, want Johnson to vote on the bill as it passes the Senate. They argue that the measure, which if passed would go directly to Biden, is the only viable solution.

“They have no alternative. They are still trying to imagine that door number 3 exists. Door #1 – Let us vote on the Senate bill. Door No. 2 is to give Putin Ukraine, Rep. Adam Smith, the top Democrat on the House Armed Services Committee, said of Republicans. “They don’t want to do either one or the other.” So they try to imagine that there is a door number 3. We have to make them understand that there is no door.”