The allies refused to support the United States preparing an intervention in Haiti: “Not Ukraine”

President Joe Biden has spent a lot of time repairing relations with foreign governments that suffered under Donald Trump, and it has paid off as allies have stepped up in places like conflict-torn Ukraine. But in the conflict in Haiti, it is difficult for Washington to find friends, writes Politico.

A growing political, security and humanitarian crisis in the Caribbean country, where violent gangs have increased their power following the assassination of Haitian President Jovenel Moise last year, has led Washington to push for a multinational security force to stabilize the country. But Biden doesn’t want the United States to take the lead entirely, in part because of Haitian dissatisfaction with past US interventions.

Biden administration officials are asking other countries to step up. So far, they’ve been met with questions and polite replies, according to more than half a dozen current and former U.S. and foreign officials, congressional aides and analysts who shared elements of those conversations with Politico.

Among those who have publicly stated that they do not yet want to intervene in the Haitian conflict is Canada, one of America’s closest allies. The talks also include France and Brazil, as well as Caribbean governments, a senior Biden administration official and other sources following the matter said.

The crisis illustrates the limits of the Biden administration’s much-touted “allies and partners” strategy in dealing with global crises. Even some of America’s best friends are hesitant to side with it when they don’t see the end of the game, especially in a place like Haiti, in a very dangerous environment where military foreign intervention in the past has failed to provide lasting stability.

A failed US attempt to rally other countries is also fraught with greater global risks. This could lead to a surge in Haitian migration and turn Haiti into a major international hub for smuggling and other crimes.

Biden aides insist it is too early to write off efforts to mobilize allies. They note that the countries being approached are not saying no – they are just seriously wary of putting the lives of their security forces at risk, and they need details before publicly making any commitment, especially to lead an intervention force.

“They say things like, ‘OK guys, what’s the plan?’ a senior administration official said.

“The problem is that no one really believes that you can restore order and leave quickly,” says Richard Gowan, UN specialist at the International Crisis Group.

As Politico writes, Haiti may have a troubled history, but today the situation there is exceptionally dire. Congressional aides and former U.S. officials use terms such as “hellscape” and “full horror.” Haitians are not just killed, they are tortured, raped and maimed. The gangs control about 60 percent of the Haitian capital, Port-au-Prince, and their long blockade of a major fuel terminal and other areas has exacerbated economic poverty, exacerbated the hunger crisis and allowed cholera to flare up again. Acting Prime Minister Ariel Henri’s government is weak; many Haitians protest it as illegal. Haiti’s security forces are far behind in the country of 11.5 million, where the earthquakes of 2010 and last year left deep scars.

Henri asked foreign military forces to intervene. And United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres endorsed last month’s armed intervention as “an urgent matter.” However, many civil society activists urged Biden to avoid this approach, saying it would only strengthen Henri by exacerbating political unrest in Haiti.

For now, the Biden administration sees the multinational security force as a key component of the solution. Biden aides have reached out to countries in the Western Hemisphere and beyond to discuss building that force. Outreach included France, the former colonial metropolis of Haiti, with which it sometimes has an uneasy relationship; Brazil, which survived the presidential elections, but already has experience in providing security in Haiti; and Caribbean governments, some of which are physically very close to the crisis.

While Caribbean countries may offer some troops, as well as knowledge or office space, they likely lack the technical capability to lead the mission.

UN peacekeeping forces are not considered a serious option because the Blue Helmets, who have been present in Haiti in the past, have been blamed for epidemics of sexual violence and cholera.

There is a broad understanding, especially among countries in the Western Hemisphere, that some kind of intervention is needed. For example, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said that “we have to intervene one way or another.” This statement left room for interpretation and did not obligate Canada to take the lead in armed intervention. Ottawa recently sent a fact-finding team to Haiti on a short-term “assessment mission” to assess the country’s needs and determine where Canada could increase contributions.

Asked for comment, the French embassy said in a statement: “Discussions between Paris, Washington and Ottawa are very regular. To date, the contours of this possible intervention force have not yet been determined.”

The United States has a long history of intervention in Haiti, a country with tough policies and weak institutions. This includes the often violent US occupation of 1915-1934 following the assassination of the President of Haiti.

In 1994, the United States sent thousands of troops to Haiti to restore President-elect Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who had been ousted by the military junta. Ten years later, American, French and other troops tried to pacify Haiti after Aristide, again elected president, was ousted due to new unrest. This initiative, which eventually came under the auspices of the UN and was led by Brazil, lasted 13 years. This intervention brought notable security gains to Haiti, but there were also scandals and abuses, and stability did not last long despite subsequent efforts.

“The great dilemma with Haiti is that you will be damned if you do something, and damned if you do nothing,” said Riyad Insanally, a former Guyanese ambassador to the United States. “But giving up Haiti would mean cursing a country that has already been cursed over and over again.”

Biden has raised the issue of Haiti with foreign leaders and regularly receives news of the crisis, according to a senior official. “He is considering it. I won’t lie – this is a tough decision for a president who has retired from Afghanistan and keeps the number of lost troops in his front side pocket,” the official said.

It’s ironic that Haiti, which has often not received the sustained U.S. attention it deserved, may now need a mission similar to the early U.S. approach to Afghanistan, said Tom Shannon, a former undersecretary of state for political affairs. “I would call it state building,” Shannon said. “It’s always hard, and usually foreigners don’t do it well.” Since the US wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the terms “state or nation building” have also enjoyed limited support in Washington.

The fall of the Afghan government to the Taliban (the Taliban is a banned terrorist organization in the Russian Federation) damaged America’s reputation, but also demonstrated the strength of its alliances. Countries like Germany and Spain have opened their doors to the tens of thousands of Afghans the United States has evacuated from Kabul, providing them with temporary accommodation en route to America or elsewhere. Many of these countries have joined the United States in supporting Ukraine in its fight against Russia.

The fact that Haiti has several intertwined problems is both a curse and a blessing as the United States tries to build a coalition to intervene, writes Politico. This makes it difficult for the international community to agree on an intervention strategy that requires force – be it police, soldiers or other security personnel – especially if corruption or politics is at the root of the conflict. However, it also gives the world’s diplomats the opportunity to tackle issues piecemeal.

Some of this is happening. The UN Security Council last month unanimously approved sanctions against Haitian gang leaders and their sponsors, specifically naming Jimmy Cherisier, a powerful gang leader also known as “The Barbecue.” The measure was sponsored by Mexico and the United States, and even received support from Russia and China, who often use their veto power in the council to thwart US goals.

In mid-October, the United States and Canada sent armored vehicles and other equipment to support the Haitian National Police as part of a broader effort to strengthen its ability to fight gangs. A senior State Department official said the Haitian police are improving, pointing to an operation that saw the gang take control of a fuel terminal.

And last week, the US and Canada imposed sanctions on two Haitian politicians: Senate President Joseph Lambert and former House President Youri Latortu. Both are accused of drug trafficking and cooperation with gangs. The sanctions freeze the assets they have in both countries.

The US Justice Department this week uncovered charges against seven Haitian gangsters accused of crimes including kidnapping Americans. The State Department has posted a reward of up to $1 million for information leading to the arrest or conviction of the three targets.

It is unlikely that these initial efforts will significantly alleviate Haiti’s plight, but US officials have said they are not yet complete. A second senior State Department official stressed that the United States understands that corruption and crime among the Haitian elites are the root cause of the country’s problems.