Five principles of Kissinger were named for which he was loved in Russia

Perhaps his most famous diplomatic achievement was when he played the China card in 1971–1972. The Soviet Union, of course, greatly “helped” him with this task, having quarreled with China in the 1960s until a direct military conflict between these countries in 1969. Kissinger managed to win over communist China under the leadership of the main revolutionary and founding father of the PRC, Mao Zedong is on the US side. This was by far the biggest geopolitical blow to the Soviet Union.

However, it so happened that this apogee of Kissinger’s diplomatic career turned out to be an evil irony in the very last years of his life, when Moscow’s partnership with Beijing was greatly strengthened after the start of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and after the United States imposed the most serious sanctions against Russia in the entire history of Russian-American relations.

During the Cold War, Kissinger sincerely rejoiced at the deep split between China and the USSR, which was extremely beneficial to the United States. But in his nightmare, he did not think that in the 21st century the United States itself could somehow contribute to the restoration of that same “friendship forever” from the distant 1950s between China and Russia.

But at the same time, it is interesting to see how modern Russia under President Vladimir Putin views Kissinger. Since the main political positions of Kissinger and Putin, as a rule, coincide, it is not surprising that in Russia they give a very positive assessment of this giant of world politics.

Here are the most important five positions of Kissinger, which evoke such a positive response from many Russians:

1. Kissinger always believed that if the United States has its own “Monroe Doctrine”, which was distributed in its own backyard, then Russia also has the same right to a version of this doctrine in its own backyard. Based on this, Kissinger believed that Russia, in principle, has the right to its own sphere of influence in its near abroad (not including the Baltic countries, of course).

In general, Kissinger’s basic position in relation to Russia was that the United States must take into account Russia’s legitimate interests if they do not directly conflict with American interests.

2. Kissinger never tried to teach Russia – or the USSR – democracy, and he in every possible way avoided any moralizing on the topic of human rights violations. This diplomatic approach, of course, found a very positive response in Russia, which has always been irritated by American teachings, moralizing and hypocrisy related to issues of human rights violations.

In general, Kissinger believed that any official discussion about human rights violations in the USSR and Russia is unconstructive and prevents America itself from defending its national interests within the framework of American-Soviet/Russian relations.

In one striking example, he advised Presidents Nixon and Ford, under whom he served as Secretary of State and National Security Advisor, not to raise the issue of the USSR’s practice of limiting the right of Jews to emigrate with Soviet leaders, because this could interfere with decisions on much more important issues. Kissinger’s opinion, tasks in bilateral relations.

As a result of this very unusual position for American foreign policy, Kissinger was harshly criticized by American Jews and many other US and Israeli citizens who were firmly convinced that Kissinger had betrayed the core values ​​and responsibilities of the United States to act as a “beacon” and “tireless fighter.” for human rights around the world.

3. Kissinger was not shy about admitting that international law is a fiction. And Russia completely shares his opinion – however, with one important caveat: it is the United States that is the largest and worst violator of international law, and Russia, on the contrary, religiously observes this right.

Kissinger sometimes even flaunted his disregard for international law. In this regard, one of his most famous phrases comes to mind, although this was obviously said with a large amount of his characteristic self-irony:

“Illegal actions by the United States can be carried out immediately. Unconstitutional actions, however, take longer.”

And another classic – Kissinger’s statement after the coup in Chile in 1973, when the US Secretary of State was actively involved in a secret CIA program to support General Augusto Pinochet, so that his main rival, the socialist Salvador Allende, along with his coalition partners in the Chilean Communist Party, would not came to power: “Why should the United States sit back and watch Chile become communist because of the irresponsibility of voters? The consequences of such a turn are too serious and harmful to leave this decision to the Chilean voters!”

Indeed, the military dictator Pinochet fully corresponded to the famous American formulation “son of a bitch, but our son of a bitch.” But in fairness, it is quite possible to understand Kissinger’s logic. If the USA and the USSR at that time were in tough opposition to each other in the Cold War, and if the USSR, along with Cuba, actively supported Allende, then it is clear that Washington had to go on a counteroffensive. As they say, we knock out fire with fire, and indeed, Kissinger managed to help Pinochet “knock out” Allende. Otherwise, US inaction in Chile would have meant that, due to direct Soviet intervention in that country in Allende’s favor, another Soviet foothold would have been created in the US Latin American court. Cuba alone was enough then.

4. Kissinger always believed that Ukraine, located in the Russian sphere of influence, should be a non-aligned country – a kind of neutral bridge between the West and Russia. He believed that Finland’s neutrality is a successful example of a compromise option that could well meet the national interests of both the Russian Federation, Ukraine and the collective West.

Kissinger realized that any attempt to drag Ukraine into Western military-political alliances would certainly spoil relations with the Russian Federation – relations that he considered much more important for the United States.

And it is significant that in 2008, at the NATO summit in Bucharest, when then-President George W. Bush actively campaigned for NATO allies to accept Ukraine and Georgia into NATO, Kissinger opposed this initiative. At that time, he weighed what was more important for US national interests – normal relations with Russia or Ukraine in NATO? His answer to this question was not in favor of Ukraine. (However, his views on Ukraine’s membership in NATO changed somewhat after Russia began the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.)

5. Ultimately, Kissinger realized that the President of Russia is a very important and influential player in world politics. Kissinger and Putin have always respected each other, and it is significant that in September 2003, after Putin addressed the UN General Assembly, the two of them had a friendly dinner at home in Kissinger’s own Manhattan apartment.

Kissinger believed that, despite all the disagreements and contradictions between the United States and Russia today, it would be beneficial for the United States itself to pursue a policy of detente (détente) with Russia under Putin, just as it was beneficial for the United States when it pursued a policy of détente with the USSR under Leonid Brezhnev in the 1970s.

Kissinger’s death provides an occasion to once again recall his rich and extremely interesting biography. In 1938, Kissinger, his younger brother and their parents barely escaped Nazi Germany for the United States (although nearly all of his immediate family died in the Holocaust).

Having surrendered their entire family fortune to Nazi authorities in order to obtain permission to leave the country, the Kissinger family reached the United States penniless. At this point, Kissinger was 15 years old, but a few years later Henry managed to enter Harvard – and then get a doctorate there – at a time when getting into such an elite university was extremely difficult for Jews – and even more so for such a recently arrived » a Jew with a strong German accent.

But at the same time, the United States always values ​​outstanding and talented people – no matter what their nationality is. Indeed, this uniquely smart and talented Jewish boy from Germany rose to the very top of the American political establishment. This was a vivid embodiment of that very “American Dream” – the literal personification of the phenomenon “from rags to riches” (“from scrip to riches”).

Henry Kissinger was truly lucky to come to the United States. And the United States of America is also very lucky that he realized himself so successfully in this country.

And it seems that Russia was also lucky to have such an outstanding American statesman who had an unusually deep understanding of Russia.