overcome the blocking reflex
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Lhe boycott by all the opposition parties and some of the unions of the meeting of the National Council for Refoundation, Thursday, September 8, in Marcoussis (Essonne), reflects the state of extreme tension in which the country finds itself after the double spring election sequence. Sanctuarization of the regained rights of Parliament, refusal to endorse the creation of a new “machine” considered superfluous with regard to the many existing authorities, the right and the left are competing in arguments to refuse to enter into the process undertaken by the President of the Republic the day after the presidential election.
The stated objective of the Head of State was to bring together representatives of political parties, local elected officials, trade unions, associative and environmental organizations to try to share a diagnosis of the great shift that the country and try to innovate on five subjects that influence the lives of French people: employment, school, health, aging and ecological transition. The vagueness of the framing only reinforced the prejudices.
The opposition is made to oppose, and one can understand that, after the result of the legislative elections, which deprived the President of the Republic of an absolute majority in the National Assembly, it is still trying to push its advantage. The verticality of the previous five-year term is in everyone’s mind, so that any initiative coming from the Head of State is tainted with suspicion. The reference to the prestigious National Council of Resistance, which had managed to give birth to major post-war reforms under the aegis of General de Gaulle, is not meant to calm people’s minds.
Reduce social and territorial inequalities
The policy of the empty chair is however risky for the parties of government which have been in charge for the past thirty years and cannot exonerate themselves from the state of the school and the public hospital, two major public services. both confronted with an unprecedented crisis of means and vocations. So many national plans considered at the time as saving and yet insufficient have succeeded in recent years that the promotion of a new method to try to reduce social and territorial inequalities cannot be dismissed out of hand.
Affirming a few major principles at the national level and then seeking differentiated solutions in the territories by involving as many players in the field as possible is an avenue to explore, especially since the associative world, much less devitalized than the parties and unions, is ready to engage.
That each party is now preparing for the alternation, in particular because the President of the Republic will not be able to stand for re-election in 2027, is a healthy and normal reflex. But that this anticipation leads the opposition to tense up a little more every day in an almost Pavlovian refusal of any development, including democratic one, on the pretext that it would be launched from above, is worrying. Such an attitude amounts to denying the seriousness of the democratic crisis. It also leads to the feeling that the extent and speed of the changes induced by global warming are minimized.
What is happening across the Rhine should inspire us. Germany, which for a long time dominated the euro zone with all its economic power, is obliged to review its development model from top to bottom. The shock is harsh, but it has two assets to overcome it: the culture of compromise, on the one hand, the idea that the country has all the assets to get out of it, on the other. These two ingredients are sorely lacking in France. We must collectively learn to tame them.
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